Commentary
Burma is looming: Pragmatic Changes Needed
By
Nehginpao Kipgen
The topsy-turvy
socio-political climax has sidelined Burma at the international arena.
Juggling of facts in attempts to adorn the military’s image has for long
been mimicking both the country's commoners and the international observers.
The era of Newin, Burma's iron-man, has gone; the fur of Than Shwe's,
Burma's strong-man, is now insurmountably but blisteringly spanning. The
swift ouster of Khin Nyunt, the once undoubtedly powerful man of his time,
has further consolidated the hardliners hands on the country's political
machinery. Sensing the exigency, volte-face decisive actions from the
military regime’s friends are needed at this critical juncture.
Allowing the factual
history to speak: Burma was at the vicinity to a representative democracy,
although there were observations to count. In other words, Burma since the
post independence has never been in line with a "Genuine Federal Democratic
Society." Till the coup d'etat of 1962, the country was waveringly governed
in accordance with the provisions of the 1948 constitution. A brand new
constitution, which served the basis of governmental organization, was
adopted in 1974, but only to be null and void with the September 1988
military coup. This astuteness of the military in cocooning the country's
governance is a vivid example of Burma debilitating herself. The military
takeover on September 18, 1988, was the hallmark of today's State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC).
With the September coup,
the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) had transpired to enable
countrywide general elections. The election held on May 27 1990 turned in
favor of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and other ethnic parties.
The SLORC backed-National Unity Party (NUP), which overwhelmingly lost the
race, delayed transferring power to the elected representatives with the
excuse of writing a new constitution. Elected representatives were either
arrested or invited for a National Convention to draft the country's
constitution. The convention, which was attended by handpicked delegates,
first met in January 1993, but was adjourned sine-die with no handy
constitution. This was another political ploy to furthering the military's
handiworks.
While 15 years of words
of engagements from the UN Secretary General's office and successive
resolutions passed have had limited effects, action by the UN Security
Council is expected to be more pragmatic and realistic. Political pressures
and economic sanctions are at times found to be adequately yielding;
however, the same practice with respect to Burma seems to have failed to
reach the optimum target as multiple countries keep endowing economic
incentives to the military junta. Given the norm that military intervention
is generally a last resort to any endangered protectorate or country, any
move by the UN Security Council on Burma would undoubtedly have tremendous
impact.
"Under the United Nations
Charter, all Members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the
decisions of the Security Council. While other organs of the United Nations
make recommendations to Governments, the Council alone has the power to take
decisions which Member States are obligated under the Charter to carry out.
Decisions on substantive matters require nine votes, including the
concurring votes of all five permanent members. This is the rule of "great
Power unanimity", often referred to as the "veto" power."
Considering the critical
procedural nature of the United Nations Security Council’s (UNSC) unanimous
decisions, there is skepticism lingering in the heads of many observers
whether the two veto powers – China and Russia would either reject the move
or abstain themselves from any voting. In this regard, the "yes or no"
discretion of the duo powers can be a matter to ponder; nevertheless, the
ball is in the court of the proponents to push toward the goal. UN special
envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro’s September report to the 60th UN
General Assembly, detailing serious human rights violations against the
country's ethnic minorities and demanding the release of the 1,100 political
prisoners is an impetus for movers.
Meanwhile, reports from
two Nobel peace laureates, former Czech president Vaclav Havel and South
African Archbishop Desmond Tutu, to the United Nations, calling on the world
body to take new steps to push the junta to reform was a significant
maneuver. In a similar tone, the United States government deputy Assistant
Secretary of State Eric John told a congressional panel in Washington, D.C
last month "Burma's junta must take steps that allow the international
community to put relations on a normal footing, such as bringing its
deplorable human rights practices into conformity with international
standards." Noticeably echoing, UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Paulo
Sergio Pinheiro and the Secretary General’s own special envoy, Razali
Ismail, has been barred from entering Burma.
Among others, Committee
Representing People's Parliament, National League for Democracy, National
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, many 8888-student leaders, and
various groups of ethnic nationalities in and outside the country have
unequivocally voiced their support for the intervention of UNSC in Burma's
political turmoil. This historic step is a common united approach pursued by
the pro-democracy groups of approximately 50 plus million people of Burma in
the hope to bring forth a durable solution to the ethno-political conflicts
ridden society.
(October 07, 2005)
* For comments, the writer can be reached at
nehginpao@yahoo.com.
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